By Professor Nikki Jones
Drawing on own encounters, traditions of city ethnography, Black feminist inspiration, gender reviews, and feminist criminology, Nikki Jones offers readers a richly descriptive and compassionate account of the way African American women negotiate faculties and neighborhoods ruled via the so-called "code of the street"--the kind of road justice that governs violence in distressed city parts. She unearths the a number of innovations they use to navigate interpersonal and gender-specific violence and the way they reconcile the gendered dilemmas in their youth. Illuminating struggles for survival inside this crew, Between reliable and Ghetto encourages others to maneuver African American ladies towards the guts of discussions of "the quandary" in bad, city neighborhoods.
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Additional info for Between Good and Ghetto: African American Girls and Inner-City Violence
Neighborhood residents typically know which corners are owned by the drug dealers, even though they may not know the names of the young men who crowd around the stoop nearest to the corner or hang out near the entrance to the local corner store. Indeed, residents are well aware that buying and selling illegal drugs are now primary uses of the corner space. The corner is also a gathering place and a staging area (Anderson 1999) for some of the neighborhood’s young men, and at times, young women, too.
Her family’s intimate experience with the criminal justice system has made Shante acutely aware of the potential consequences of resorting to violence. ’ That ain’t going to do nothing but leave me in the Juvenile Study Center [the city’s juvenile jail] or up to LPS [one of two women’s prisons in the state] somewhere . . I’m not willing to sit up in no jail cell . . telling somebody when to go to sleep, when to eat. ” Shante, like many other inner-city girls, envisions better life possibilities for herself.
I visited Terrie and Danielle in their homes; my contact with Amber took me into a variety of settings, from a group home, to Planned Parenthood, to the city’s Criminal Justice Center. I used the time I spent with Terrie, Danielle, and Amber to explore in greater depth some of the key concepts that had emerged during the previous phases of my data collection and analyses. 21 These spaces included trolley cars and buses, a neighborhood high school, the city’s family and criminal courts, and various correctional facilities in the area, among others.